Politics and Sport
The central argument of the pro-tour movement was that politics and sports should be kept separate but this was proved to be inaccurate.
The New Zealand Rugby Union believed that its only responsibility was to administer rugby in New Zealand. 26 affiliated unions and almost all of clubs in the country supported their decision in arranging the Springbok tour. It did not feel that any political issues concerned them at all and did not attempt to make any changes in the political world as it could be seen as an attempt to change the political system in New Zealand.
Many rugby fans felt that their right to watch rugby should not be affected by political issues. The government therefore should not be authorised to cancel the tour. (Refer to Pro-Tour /pro-tour.html)
The New Zealand Rugby Union believed that its only responsibility was to administer rugby in New Zealand. 26 affiliated unions and almost all of clubs in the country supported their decision in arranging the Springbok tour. It did not feel that any political issues concerned them at all and did not attempt to make any changes in the political world as it could be seen as an attempt to change the political system in New Zealand.
Many rugby fans felt that their right to watch rugby should not be affected by political issues. The government therefore should not be authorised to cancel the tour. (Refer to Pro-Tour /pro-tour.html)
At a press conference at the Sandown Park Hotel, the manager of the Springbok team Professor Johannes Claassen expressed his opinion. Professor Claassen felt that sportsmen should try and separate politics and sports as that was the way to practise sports as true sportsmen. He was asked if he was really that concerned to play rugby even if it would cause a division in New Zealand to which he replied:
We are very keen to play New Zealand. We are old rugby friends... I think that's for the politicians. That's not for us. I am not here to defend any political issue, any political stand for my government.
However, the support for the tour within the government was not unanimous. Prior to the official invitation to the South African rugby team, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Brian Talboys wrote a letter to Ces Blazey, chairman of the New Zealand Rugby Football Union in April 1980.
New Zealand's stated policy is that decisions on international sporting contacts are properly made by the sporting bodies concerned, not the Government. This imposes a very heavy burden on any sporting bodies concerning sporting contact with South Africa, for it is, in the end, by the decisions of those bodies that New Zealand is judged... |
Talboys was against the compromise of a multi-racial Springbok team arguing that it would simply be a "cosmetic development." He highlighted the clauses in the Gleneagles Agreement and emphasized the importance of dismantling apartheid before sporting contacts between New Zealand and South Africa could take place. The leader of the Opposition Party, Bill Rowling agreed with Talboys stating that:
In the interests of the whole country, the Rugby Union must be made to understand that it is New Zealand's future, and the future of the Commonwealth, that are on the line."
Those against the tour argued that by permitting the tour to continue, New Zealand was condoning apartheid. Allowing Maori players to be treated unfairly also meant that the country was being influenced by the racial attitudes of South Africa. Hector Monro, the Under-Secretary of State for the Environment believed that "politics and sports don't mix" was not a strong argument. Monro emphasises that politics most certainly mix with sport when South Africa is involved because of their racist apartheid regime.
I am deeply sorry that it is rugby which is spearheading this confrontation in international sport. It is too easy for rugby leaders to claim that politics is none of their business, but it is naive to believe that sport and politics don't mix, especially where South African sport is concerned. Individual sports must take a broad view and not only look at their own self-interest. A rugby tour such as the present one can have repercussions for the whole of sport.
Broederbond was a secret Afrikaaner society who was the father of apartheid. This group had always felt that politics and sports should be kept separate. But even their view changed. Under the heading "Sport and the Present Onslaught Against South Africa in a newsletter the group spoke with their new viewpoint, admitting that "the two issues can no longer be separated obvious from recent developments on the international and the national level." This was extremely significant as it was seen to he world as a breakthrough.
Lack of Government Action
Prime Minister Robert Muldoon knew that the tour would largely determine the outcome of the next elections held in November 1981 and took very little action to prevent the tour from proceeding.
As said in the book Our People Our Century,
As said in the book Our People Our Century,
... the impact of the Springbok tour would affect voting differently in different parts of the country and... if, as has always been the case, the provincial areas hold the key to the success of failure of political parties at General Elections, the Government was likely to be ahead in the provincial areas and thus had a good chance of remaining in office.
The government suffered a conflict from the date of the invitation to the Springbok team, being directly confronted between its commitment "to combat the evil of apartheid" and its commitment to stand by keeping politics and sport separate. Promising to not interfere with sport was one of the promises Muldoon in the 1972 and 1975 elections. This policy was very effective and was what Muldoon used to win the elections. Muldoon was reluctant to take any extreme action to stop the tour from taking place especially after the major opposition Kirk faced in 1973 after calling off the tour, . Despite the fact that the 1973 issue disappeared quickly after the country largely agreed that cancelling the tour had a positive impact on New Zealand's race relations and it's image as a "decent, humane, multi-cultural society," Muldoon wanted to gain more support by provoking the nation regarding rugby. After he was elected, he stated that he would welcome the Springbok team to New Zealand.
Muldoon continued to use sporting contact and the passion New Zealand had for rugby as a way to motivate the nation. He later said he wanted to see the All Black team go to South Africa and "lick the pants off the Springboks." There would be an election in 1981 and by cancelling the the planned tour would upset large numbers of rugby enthusiasts and lose the National Party many votes.
Muldoon continued to use sporting contact and the passion New Zealand had for rugby as a way to motivate the nation. He later said he wanted to see the All Black team go to South Africa and "lick the pants off the Springboks." There would be an election in 1981 and by cancelling the the planned tour would upset large numbers of rugby enthusiasts and lose the National Party many votes.
There was a lack of government action taken regarding stopping the tour, regardless of pressure from the anti-tour movement and other international countries.
The power to stop the tour was within the hands of the government or the Rugby Union however both chose to take no action. A case was presented to the Human Rights Commission by many citizens who claimed that the continuation of the tour would cause be a breach of New Zealand's international obligations. More specifically, the country would not be following the Gleneagles Agreement. Each Commonwealth government was ethically obliged to "take every practical step to discourage" sporting contacts with South Africa and was to keep to the agreement in terms of its own laws and customs. In the government's defense, the agreement asked governments to "discourage" and not to "prohibit sporting contact. Mike Minogue, a National MP emphasised the fact that the government should allow individuals to freely enter and leave a country. They were not required to withhold visas which many anti-tour protestors suggested.
In an attempt to keep this peace, the government would follow the agreement by voicing its opposition to sporting contact but would also not refuse visas to the South African rugby team coming to New Zealand for the tour. The Gleneagles Agreement recognised the rights of each country to act according to their own laws and as New Zealand was a democratic country, he wanted to protect the rights of individuals in New Zealand and allow New Zealand sports bodies to associate with other nations freely.
The confidence of the New Zealand police force was another political reason for allowing the tour to continue.
The police believed that the their increased size and the falling number of anti-apartheid activists, they would have no trouble handling the tour. Muldoon also explained how he had budgeted $2.7 million for police operations to safely escort the South African rugby team around the country. However, one member of the police, Ross Meurant voiced his opinion:
The power to stop the tour was within the hands of the government or the Rugby Union however both chose to take no action. A case was presented to the Human Rights Commission by many citizens who claimed that the continuation of the tour would cause be a breach of New Zealand's international obligations. More specifically, the country would not be following the Gleneagles Agreement. Each Commonwealth government was ethically obliged to "take every practical step to discourage" sporting contacts with South Africa and was to keep to the agreement in terms of its own laws and customs. In the government's defense, the agreement asked governments to "discourage" and not to "prohibit sporting contact. Mike Minogue, a National MP emphasised the fact that the government should allow individuals to freely enter and leave a country. They were not required to withhold visas which many anti-tour protestors suggested.
In an attempt to keep this peace, the government would follow the agreement by voicing its opposition to sporting contact but would also not refuse visas to the South African rugby team coming to New Zealand for the tour. The Gleneagles Agreement recognised the rights of each country to act according to their own laws and as New Zealand was a democratic country, he wanted to protect the rights of individuals in New Zealand and allow New Zealand sports bodies to associate with other nations freely.
The confidence of the New Zealand police force was another political reason for allowing the tour to continue.
The police believed that the their increased size and the falling number of anti-apartheid activists, they would have no trouble handling the tour. Muldoon also explained how he had budgeted $2.7 million for police operations to safely escort the South African rugby team around the country. However, one member of the police, Ross Meurant voiced his opinion:
Personally, I believe Muldoon unashamedly used the police in a cynical political initiative of dividing the nation over rugby.
The anti-apartheid movement anticipated the failure of the government to act and took action themselves by demonstrating and protesting showing the world that even if the government and the Rugby Union supported apartheid and the racist Springbok tour, a significant number of New Zealanders were strongly against it. On May 1, the first major demonstration took place with over 50,000 participants.